By Sharma M.C.
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42 Aspin’s comments about how to use force, especially airpower, were made with an eye toward US intervention in Bosnia. For now, one should note that as US policy makers considered whether to get involved in Bosnia, they were dealing with a generation of military officers who expected the freedom to decide how to use force once the decision to use it was made. Theoretical Bases of Demands for Operational Autonomy: Expertise and Responsibility Military commanders demand autonomy in operational matters because they are experts in the employment of force and are held accountable for their actions.
We ignored that order also. (Emphasis added)31 Interestingly, these early UN commanders had next to nothing to say on the topic of airpower, even though a public debate about using airpower in Bosnia was underway during their tours of duty in late 1992 and early 1993. When they did comment on possible air operations, their views were mixed. ’’32 Gen Philippe Morillon of France commanded UN troops in Bosnia 9 RESPONSIBILITY OF COMMAND after they had been given a more muscular mandate under chapter 7 of the UN Charter.
Luttwak, “Washington’s Biggest Scandal,” Foreign Affairs 74, no. 3 (May/June 1995): 109–22. 9. Michael R. Gordon, “Powell Delivers a Resounding No on Using Limited Force in Bosnia,” New York Times, 28 September 1992; Colin L. Powell, “Why Generals Get Nervous,” New York Times, 8 October 1992. For claims of a crisis in civil-military relations, see Russell F. Weigley, “The American Military and the Principle of Civilian Control from McClellan to Powell,” The Journal of Military History, Special Issue 57 (October 1993): 27–58; Kohn, 3–17; and Luttwak, 29–33.